1. Introduction
1.1. Background
Youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing socio-economic challenges across Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Republic of Benin is no exception. Despite notable progress in the expansion of TVET, the employability outcomes for young graduates remain disappointing, with many either unemployed or underemployed
,
3]. TVET has traditionally been positioned as a strategic response to youth unemployment because of its emphasis on equipping learners with job-ready, practical skills tailored to labor market needs
. However, in the Benin context, this promise has not materialised, raising critical questions about the effectiveness of existing training models. A central but under-examined factor underlying this disconnect lies in the persistent neglect of emerging and high-growth economic sectors within national TVET curricula
.
Historically, Benin’s TVET institutions have concentrated on conventional vocational trades such as mechanics, construction, carpentry, and basic electrical installation. While these areas continue to hold economic value, their dominance within training systems has led to labour market saturation, intensifying competition among graduates and limiting available employment opportunities
. At the same time, high-potential sectors such as renewable energy, digital technology, advanced manufacturing, agribusiness value chains, and textile production remain underrepresented in training offers
. This imbalance reflects a structural misalignment between education and labour market realities. By privileging traditional occupations at the expense of new growth industries, the TVET system risks perpetuating graduate unemployment and underemployment while undermining Benin’s broader national development priorities, including youth economic empowerment and inclusive industrialisation
.
The misalignment between TVET provision and labour market demand reflects deeper systemic challenges. Outdated curricula, weak collaboration between training institutions and industries, and inadequate exposure to modern technologies continue to hinder graduates’ competitiveness
| [39] | McGrath, S., & Powell, L. (2016). Skills for sustainable development: Transforming vocational education and training. International Journal of Educational Development, 50, 1-5. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2016.07.011 |
| [45] | Oketch, M. (2010). Education policy, vocational training, and the youth in Sub-Saharan Africa. International Journal of Educational Development, 30(1), 1-6.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2009.06.002 |
[39, 45]
. In addition, limited access to entrepreneurial training, financial literacy programs, and support mechanisms for self-employment further exacerbates the vulnerability of young graduates. These constraints are not only well documented in policy evaluations and donor-funded project assessments but are also visible in the lived experiences of TVET alumni. For example, graduates trained in general mechanics frequently report difficulties securing jobs in oversaturated markets, while those specialising in electrical trades highlight the absence of training in solar technologies, despite the rapid growth of renewable energy in Benin and across Africa
.
Against this backdrop, this study examines the extent to which the continued emphasis on traditional sectors in Benin’s TVET system negatively affects youth employability and restricts access to emerging economic opportunities. The research is guided by three interrelated questions: (1) How does the current focus of TVET training in Benin influence the employment outcomes of its graduates? (2) Which high-growth economic sectors remain neglected within TVET curricula, and what are the implications of this exclusion? and (3) What systemic reforms are required to ensure greater alignment between training, labor market demands, and youth aspirations?
To address these questions, the study draws on qualitative evidence collected from six TVET graduates across different regions of Benin, whose testimonies shed light on the challenges and possibilities for reform. The analysis is framed by four complementary theoretical lenses. The Human Capability Approach
| [44] | Nussbaum, M. (2000). Women and human development: The capabilities approach. Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511841286 |
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[44, 50]
provides insights into the freedoms and opportunities young people have to use their education meaningfully. Systems Theory underscores the importance of adaptive institutional responses to socio-economic shifts
| [58] | Von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General System Theory: Foundations, Development. New York: George Braziller. |
[58]
. According to
, Social Capital Theory highlights the role of networks and relationships in accessing employment opportunities, while the Work-Based Learning (WBL) model emphasises the necessity of integrating real-world industry exposure into vocational training
| [51] | Suyitno, S., Nurtanto, M., Jatmoko, D., Widiyono, Y., Purwoko, R. Y., Abdillah, F., Setuju, & Hermawan, Y. (2025). The Effect of Work-Based Learning on Employability Skills: The Role of Self-Efficacy and Vocational Identity. European Journal of Educational Research, (14) 1, 309 - 321.
https://doi.org/10.12973/eu-jer.14.1.309 |
[51]
.
By combining these theoretical frameworks with empirical findings, this paper seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on TVET reform and youth employability in Africa. Furthermore, it offers evidence-based recommendations for policymakers, educators, and industry stakeholders aimed at modernising TVET programs and fostering a stronger school-to-work transition for young people in Benin. Ultimately, the study advocates for a forward-looking, inclusive, and responsive TVET system that not only equips young people with technical skills but also provides them with tangible opportunities for sustainable livelihoods in both traditional and emerging economic sectors.
1.2. Problem Statement
Although Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) has been positioned as a central pillar in the fight against youth unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa, its effectiveness in countries such as the Republic of Benin remains limited. Evidence suggests that despite high enrollment in TVET programs, many graduates face persistent challenges in securing decent employment or transitioning into sustainable self-employment
,
3]. This paradox raises critical questions about the adequacy of current training models and their alignment with the demands of a rapidly evolving labor market.
One of the central problems lies in the structural bias of TVET curricula toward traditional sectors such as mechanics, masonry, carpentry, and basic electricity. While these areas continue to play a role in the national economy, their overrepresentation has produced market saturation, reducing employment prospects for new graduates
. Simultaneously, emerging high-potential sectors, including renewable energy, digital technologies, agribusiness value chains, textile production, and advanced manufacturing, remain either marginal or absent from formal training pathways
. This neglect represents a missed opportunity not only for addressing youth unemployment but also for driving inclusive industrialization and sustainable economic transformation in Benin.
The problem is compounded by systemic constraints that weaken the employability outcomes of TVET graduates. These include outdated and rigid curricula, limited collaboration between training institutions and industries, insufficient integration of modern technologies, and a lack of entrepreneurial and financial literacy training
| [39] | McGrath, S., & Powell, L. (2016). Skills for sustainable development: Transforming vocational education and training. International Journal of Educational Development, 50, 1-5. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2016.07.011 |
| [45] | Oketch, M. (2010). Education policy, vocational training, and the youth in Sub-Saharan Africa. International Journal of Educational Development, 30(1), 1-6.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2009.06.002 |
[39, 45]
. Furthermore, the absence of strong support systems for post-training insertion, such as business incubation, job placement services, and alumni networks, exacerbates the vulnerability of young people, leaving many confined to informal or precarious employment
.
This gap between TVET training and labor market demand reflects not only an educational mismatch but also a broader developmental challenge. By overlooking emerging economic sectors, the TVET system in Benin inadvertently sidelines opportunities that could expand the employability horizon for youth, promote innovation, and enhance the country’s competitiveness in regional and global value chains
| [51] | Suyitno, S., Nurtanto, M., Jatmoko, D., Widiyono, Y., Purwoko, R. Y., Abdillah, F., Setuju, & Hermawan, Y. (2025). The Effect of Work-Based Learning on Employability Skills: The Role of Self-Efficacy and Vocational Identity. European Journal of Educational Research, (14) 1, 309 - 321.
https://doi.org/10.12973/eu-jer.14.1.309 |
[51]
.
Therefore, the problem that this study seeks to address is the misalignment between TVET curricula and the realities of a changing labor market, with particular emphasis on the neglect of high-growth sectors that hold potential for youth employment. Without a deliberate integration of these sectors into training programs, TVET risks perpetuating cycles of unemployment, underemployment, and informal labour among Benin’s youth. Addressing this problem requires not only pedagogical and curricular reforms but also systemic realignment to ensure that TVET becomes a forward-looking and transformative pathway for sustainable livelihoods.
2. Literature Review
This literature review explores the intersection of TVET, youth employability, and economic sector responsiveness in the context of Sub-Saharan Africa, with a specific focus on Benin. It synthesises existing scholarship across five major themes: (1) TVET and youth employment, (2) neglected economic sectors in TVET programs, (3) curriculum relevance and skills mismatch, (4) barriers to youth entrepreneurship, and (5) the guiding theoretical frameworks that inform this study.
2.1. TVET and Youth Employment: A Critical Overview
Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) is widely recognised as a strategic response to the persistent challenge of youth unemployment, particularly in developing economies where the formal labor market is unable to absorb the growing working-age population
. The underlying rationale is that TVET equips learners with practical, job-ready skills that can facilitate pathways into both wage employment and self-employment. Unlike general education, TVET emphasises applied competencies and hands-on training, positioning it as a critical lever for enhancing employability in economies characterised by high levels of informality and limited industrial diversification. Yet, the effectiveness of TVET in fulfilling this role has proven uneven across regions and contexts. Evidence suggests that the capacity of TVET to translate into tangible employment outcomes is contingent on several interrelated factors, including the quality and relevance of training, institutional capacity, and the extent to which programs are aligned with dynamic labor market demands
.
In the Beninese context, as in much of West Africa, TVET is formally embedded within national education and employment strategies, reflecting a policy consensus on its role in tackling unemployment and fostering economic development
. Despite this policy emphasis, outcomes remain modest and inconsistent. Studies highlight that while TVET institutions in the region often succeed in providing technical proficiency, graduates face difficulties in transitioning from training into employment due to structural labor market bottlenecks, limited industrial absorption, and weak school-to-work linkages
| [48] | Oviawe, J. I. (2015). Revamping technical and vocational education and training through public-private partnership for skill development in Nigeria. Journal of Education and Practice, 6(32), 188-194. |
| [37] | Kpedekpo, G., & Atsou, K. (2020). Technical and vocational education and training in Benin: Challenges and perspectives for youth employability. Journal of Education and Practice, 11(15), 56-65. |
[48, 37]
. For instance, Oviawe’s analysis of Nigeria underscores that systemic issues such as inadequate infrastructure, outdated curricula, and limited employer engagement severely undermine the employability of graduates
| [48] | Oviawe, J. I. (2015). Revamping technical and vocational education and training through public-private partnership for skill development in Nigeria. Journal of Education and Practice, 6(32), 188-194. |
[48]
. Similar challenges are evident in Benin, where structural mismatches between training content and labour market opportunities persist, leaving many graduates underemployed or confined to the informal sector
| [37] | Kpedekpo, G., & Atsou, K. (2020). Technical and vocational education and training in Benin: Challenges and perspectives for youth employability. Journal of Education and Practice, 11(15), 56-65. |
| [53] | UNESCO-UNEVOC. (2017). Bridging Benin’s skills gap: partnerships with private enterprises in agricultural TVET delivery. https://unevoc.unesco.org/pub/nqc_bridging_benins_skills_gap.pdf |
[37, 53]
.
These findings call into question the assumption that TVET alone can resolve the youth employment crisis without broader structural reforms. In practice, TVET systems that operate in isolation from labour market realities risk producing graduates with skills that are technically sound but poorly matched to evolving economic demands. In Benin, this misalignment is compounded by limited engagement with high-potential yet underrepresented sectors such as renewable energy, digital technologies, and tourism, which are increasingly central to the country’s economic transformation agenda
. The narrow concentration on traditional occupational areas such as mechanics, construction, and metalwork, though valuable, has resulted in oversaturation, reducing opportunities for sustainable livelihoods. Consequently, the challenge is not simply to expand access to TVET, but to strategically reorient programs toward neglected economic sectors and to strengthen institutional linkages with industry. By doing so, TVET can move beyond modest outcomes and contribute more effectively to both youth employability and national development.
2.2. Neglected Economic Sectors in TVET Programs
A growing body of scholarship underscores the urgent need to align TVET systems with dynamic and high-growth economic sectors, particularly renewable energy, information technology, and digital manufacturing
| [18] | Bennell, P., & Kambole, M. (2019). Competency-based training and workforce development in Sub-Saharan Africa. International Labour Organization. https://www.ilo.org |
| [30] | International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2017a). Work-based learning and the future of skills development. Geneva: ILO. |
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. These emerging sectors are widely recognised as engines of global economic transformation and carry significant potential for job creation, especially among young people who often face higher unemployment and underemployment rates. In Benin, where demographic pressures continue to increase the supply of labour, equipping youth with competencies relevant to these sectors could provide pathways to both sustainable livelihoods and national economic diversification
,
60]. Indeed, linking TVET curricula with the requirements of these industries is not only a matter of improving employability outcomes but also of positioning the country within broader global value chains that increasingly rely on innovation and technology.
Despite this promise, evidence shows that many African TVET systems, including Benin’s, remain firmly anchored in traditional occupational areas such as mechanics, construction, carpentry, metalwork, and basic electrical trades
,
7,
62]. While these trades remain important, their saturation has created limited absorption capacity in the labor market, thereby exacerbating competition for scarce opportunities and leading to high rates of informal or precarious employment among graduates. This entrenched orientation also reflects institutional inertia and the lack of systematic reforms to update curricula in line with labor market shifts. The exclusion of emerging sectors such as renewable energy, digital skills, and tourism not only restricts the employability of individual graduates but also undermines national strategies aimed at modernization and economic resilience
.
In the case of Benin, several neglected but high-potential economic sectors stand out. The renewable energy sector, for instance, has been identified in the
Politique nationale de développement des énergies renouvelables (PONADER) as a strategic priority for reducing dependence on imports and expanding off-grid electrification, yet TVET institutions provide only minimal training in solar, wind, or bioenergy systems
. Similarly, while the government has launched a national artificial intelligence and big data strategy and ICT penetration has expanded rapidly
,
34, 42], vocational programs have been slow to integrate digital literacy, coding, and data-driven competencies. Another overlooked sector is tourism and the creative industries, which the Ministry of Tourism and Culture has framed as a growth driver in its
Plan stratégique de développement du tourisme et des industries créatives 2023–2030. However, the absence of specialized vocational tracks in hospitality management, ecotourism, or cultural entrepreneurship means that graduates are ill-prepared to contribute to or benefit from the country’s tourism revival
| [10] | Ahouannon, Y., & Gbètoho, F. (2024). Skills and employability in Benin’s tourism industry: Bridging training gaps. Tourism Skills Journal, 10(2), 45-62. |
| [43] | Ministère du Tourisme, de la Culture et des Arts. (2023). Plan stratégique de développement du tourisme et des industries créatives au Bénin (2023-2030). République du Bénin. |
[10, 43]
.
International experience demonstrates that TVET can be successfully modernized to address such gaps. For example, Germany’s dual training system has closely integrated vocational curricula with evolving industrial sectors, ensuring that graduates acquire both practical and future-oriented skills, while China has expanded its TVET offerings in renewable energy and advanced manufacturing to support its transition toward green and digital economies
. By contrast, Benin’s slow adaptation underscores the need for deliberate reforms to diversify TVET curricula beyond oversaturated traditional trades. Integrating neglected but high-potential sectors into training programs could significantly enhance youth employability, foster innovation, and align national skills development with strategic development priorities
. Such reforms would not only empower young graduates to access new labour market opportunities but also contribute to the structural transformation of Benin’s economy.
2.3. Curriculum Relevance and Skills Mismatch
One of the most persistent challenges facing Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) systems across Africa, and particularly in the Benin Republic, is the issue of curriculum relevance, commonly described as the “skills mismatch” problem. This notion refers to the disconnect between the knowledge and skills provided by TVET institutions and the competencies demanded by employers in the labour market
. Scholars generally distinguish between two interrelated forms of mismatch. On the one hand, a quantitative mismatch arises when institutions produce an oversupply of graduates in low-demand trades, such as tailoring or hairdressing, while sectors with high growth potential, including agribusiness, renewable energy, and digital services, remain underserved. On the other hand, a qualitative mismatch occurs when graduates lack critical competencies such as entrepreneurial skills, problem-solving abilities, digital literacy, and communication skills, qualities increasingly sought by employers. These mismatches together undermine the potential of TVET to function as a pathway to meaningful employment and highlight the pressing need to align curricula with labor market dynamics.
In Benin, curricula often lag significantly behind technological innovations and evolving economic realities.
| [37] | Kpedekpo, G., & Atsou, K. (2020). Technical and vocational education and training in Benin: Challenges and perspectives for youth employability. Journal of Education and Practice, 11(15), 56-65. |
[37]
observed that although students acquire basic technical knowledge in TVET institutions, they are rarely exposed to modern equipment, updated methodologies, or innovative sectoral practices. As a result, many graduates are ill-prepared to enter or compete in dynamic labor markets. This problem is not unique to Benin; in Nigeria,
| [47] | Okolie, U. C., Igwe, P. A., Nwosu, H. E., & Mlanga, S. (2021). Technical vocational education and training as a solution to youth unemployment in Nigeria: Myth or reality? Journal of Technical Education and Training, 13(1), 151-164. |
[47]
found that outdated TVET curricula continue to produce graduates with skills misaligned with emerging sectors such as information technology and renewable energy. Similarly,
| [19] | Boateng, C., & Sefah, E. (2020). Addressing TVET skills mismatch in Ghana. International Journal of Vocational and Technical Education, 12(3), 21-31.
https://doi.org/10.5897/IJVTE2020.0272 |
[19]
noted in Ghana that TVET programs often overemphasize rote technical instruction while neglecting transversal skills, thereby weakening graduates’ ability to adapt to diverse employment opportunities. These findings confirm that the challenge of curriculum relevance is structural across West Africa, not confined to one country, and remains a significant barrier to addressing youth unemployment.
Beyond the inadequacies of technical content, the literature also highlights how the exclusion of neglected economic sectors exacerbates the mismatch problem. By focusing largely on oversaturated fields such as traditional crafts or basic service trades, TVET systems miss opportunities to train young people in high-potential but underexplored sectors such as aquaculture, agribusiness value chains, rural artisanal industries, and green technologies.
| [17] | Ayonmike, C. S., Okwelle, P. C., & Okeke, B. C. (2015). Towards quality TVET programmes in Nigeria: Challenges and improvements. Journal of Education and Practice, 6(29), 18-25. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ1081274 |
[17]
argue that African TVET reforms must go beyond providing foundational skills to embrace innovation and diversification, particularly in sectors where demand is growing but formal training provision remains weak. Integrating these neglected sectors into curricula could therefore help redistribute labor market opportunities, reduce saturation in traditional trades, and expand youth employability in more resilient industries.
From a theoretical perspective, this literature intersects directly with the four frameworks guiding the present study. The Human Capability Approach (HCA) reminds us that TVET must be evaluated not only in terms of enrollment or completion rates but also in its ability to expand young people’s real freedoms to pursue livelihoods they value
| [44] | Nussbaum, M. (2000). Women and human development: The capabilities approach. Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511841286 |
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[44, 50]
. The persistence of skills mismatch suggests that current TVET programs in Benin do not sufficiently enlarge these freedoms, as graduates remain constrained by limited occupational choices in overcrowded sectors. Systems Theory (ST) provides another useful lens by conceptualizing TVET institutions as adaptive systems
| [58] | Von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General System Theory: Foundations, Development. New York: George Braziller. |
[58]
. The inability of Beninese curricula to keep pace with technological change and labor market evolution demonstrates systemic rigidity and non-adaptiveness, reducing their effectiveness in addressing unemployment. Social Capital Theory (SCT) further underscores that, beyond skills, employability in African contexts is mediated by networks, referrals, and industry connections
| [20] | Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Greenwood. |
| [21] | Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94(Supplement), S95-S120. https://doi.org/10.1086/228943 |
[20, 21]
. Curriculum designs that fail to incorporate internships, employer engagement, or partnerships in emerging sectors effectively deprive students of opportunities to build social capital, further reinforcing their exclusion from jobs. Finally, Work-Based Learning (WBL) highlights the importance of linking classroom instruction to real-world practice. Without structured apprenticeships, job shadowing, or industry placements, graduates are unable to bridge the gap between theory and practice, leaving them ill-equipped to transition into meaningful employment
| [30] | International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2017a). Work-based learning and the future of skills development. Geneva: ILO. |
[30]
.
Taken together, the literature suggests that curriculum mismatch in Benin reflects not only a misalignment between training and labour market demand but also a deeper failure of TVET systems to function as adaptive, capability-enhancing, socially connected, and work-integrated institutions. Addressing this challenge requires embedding neglected economic sectors into TVET programs, strengthening industry linkages, and ensuring that graduates leave not only with technical competencies but also with the networks, experiences, and freedoms needed to thrive in an evolving labour market.
2.4. Barriers to Self-Employment and Entrepreneurship
Although Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) is often promoted as a launchpad for youth entrepreneurship, particularly in contexts where formal employment opportunities remain limited, the extent to which this pathway succeeds is determined by several structural and institutional factors. Research consistently demonstrates that entrepreneurship is not solely the result of technical skills but also relies on access to enabling conditions such as start-up capital, mentorship, markets, and supportive institutional frameworks
. In the case of Benin, as in many low-income countries, graduates of vocational programs frequently identify financial constraints as one of the most significant obstacles to launching their businesses
. Even when motivated and adequately skilled, many young people find themselves unable to translate their training into viable entrepreneurial ventures because they lack access to credit, savings mechanisms, or material resources needed to begin operations.
The literature further highlights the importance of integrating financial and institutional support into vocational education to bridge the gap between training and economic outcomes. For example,
| [38] | Kumar, V., & Rao, N. (2017). A systematic review of barriers to youth entrepreneurship: Context of microfinance and vocational training. Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development, 24(4), 759-776. |
[38]
emphasises that vocational graduates benefit considerably from targeted microfinance initiatives, grants of essential tools and equipment, and structured business incubation programs that provide mentorship and market linkages. Similarly,
| [14] | Aloysius, A., Kpadonou, R., & Sossou, E. (2023). Informality and youth employment in West Africa: Challenges and opportunities. Journal of African Development Studies, 15(1), 45-60. |
[14]
argues that without such complementary mechanisms, vocational training risks becoming an isolated intervention that equips individuals with skills but fails to create pathways for sustainable self-employment. In Benin, these supportive mechanisms remain underdeveloped or difficult to access, particularly for vulnerable youth from rural areas and marginalised backgrounds. The absence of an enabling ecosystem means that many beneficiaries of TVET are trapped in precarious, informal activities or underemployment, rather than becoming successful entrepreneurs.
Comparative experiences from other African countries illustrate how institutional and financial support can transform TVET outcomes. In Ghana, for instance, the National Board for Small Scale Industries (NBSSI) has piloted training programs that combine vocational education with access to microcredit and business advisory services. Evaluations show that graduates who benefited from this integrated model were more likely to establish and sustain microenterprises compared to those who only received training
| [22] | Darvas, P., & Palmer, R. (2014). Demand and supply of skills in Ghana: How can training programs improve employment and productivity? World Bank. |
[22]
. Similarly, in Nigeria, youth empowerment programs such as YouWiN! and the N-Power initiative have sought to pair entrepreneurship training with grants and business plan competitions. Although these programs face challenges of scale and sustainability, evidence suggests that beneficiaries with access to both training and start-up capital have higher survival rates in self-employment than those without such support
| [46] | Okolie, U. C., & Igwe, P. A. (2020). Enhancing graduate employability and entrepreneurship through university education in Nigeria. Education + Training, 62(3), 292-309. |
[46]
.
Other cases in East Africa reinforce this lesson. In Rwanda, the government has invested heavily in business incubation centres linked to vocational training institutions, with an emphasis on agri-business and digital entrepreneurship. These centres not only provide technical training but also mentorship, seed funding, and networking opportunities. Studies report that graduates from these programs demonstrate higher levels of business formalisation and income generation compared to those without incubation support
. In Kenya, youth polytechnics and TVET colleges have been linked with microfinance institutions to ensure that graduates in trades such as carpentry, tailoring, and mechanics have access to affordable loans and cooperative financing schemes. This integration of training and finance has contributed to higher rates of enterprise creation and reduced post-training unemployment
| [36] | King, K. (2021). Education, skills and international cooperation: Comparative and historical perspectives. Edward Elgar Publishing. |
[36]
.
The Human Capability Approach provides a useful analytical lens for interpreting these findings
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[50]
. Sen argues that human development should be assessed not merely in terms of resources or skills provided, but in terms of the actual freedoms people have to pursue lives they value. Applied to the context of TVET and youth entrepreneurship, this perspective reveals that the mere acquisition of technical knowledge does not automatically translate into improved livelihoods. Instead, skills must be paired with enabling conditions, such as access to finance, mentorship, institutional backing, and social networks, if they are to be converted into real economic opportunities. The comparative African evidence suggests that when TVET systems are linked to supportive ecosystems, they can unlock pathways to sustainable self-employment. In Benin, however, the lack of these enabling conditions undermines the effectiveness of TVET as a pathway to entrepreneurship, revealing a critical policy gap that hinders both youth employment and broader economic development.
2.5. Theoretical Frameworks Guiding the Study
This study is anchored in four interrelated theoretical perspectives that together provide a robust foundation for analyzing the integration of neglected economic sectors into Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) in the Benin Republic. Each of these frameworks offers a different but complementary lens for understanding the challenges and opportunities of reforming TVET to better address youth employment.
The first perspective is the Human Capability Approach (HCA), introduced by
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[50]
and further developed by
. This approach emphasizes the centrality of human freedom and agency, arguing that true development consists not merely of economic growth but of the expansion of people’s capabilities to live lives they have reason to value. Within the context of TVET, the HCA highlights the importance of equipping learners with not only technical competencies but also the broader capabilities to secure meaningful employment, innovate within their professions, or create self-employment opportunities. It draws attention to whether training programs genuinely expand the range of choices available to young people or whether they confine them to oversaturated, low-growth trades. From this perspective, TVET should be evaluated less on enrollment numbers or program completion rates and more on the real freedoms it creates for graduates to participate in and transform the labour market.
The second perspective, Systems Theory (ST), originally emerging from the work of
| [58] | Von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General System Theory: Foundations, Development. New York: George Braziller. |
[58]
, provides a framework for examining TVET institutions as dynamic entities that exist within broader socio-economic ecosystems. Systems Theory posits that for any institution to remain effective, it must continually adapt to changes in its external environment. When applied to TVET, this theory underscores the critical need for institutions in Benin to regularly update curricula, strengthen employer linkages, and respond proactively to the demands of emerging economic sectors. A system that is rigid, outdated, or poorly networked is ultimately non-adaptive, leading to reduced relevance and weakened graduate outcomes. From this standpoint, the persistent misalignment between TVET supply and labour market demand in Benin can be understood as a systemic failure, one that constrains the sector’s ability to serve as an engine for employment creation.
The third framework is Social Capital Theory (SCT), which sheds light on the relational dimensions of employability. Social capital, as theorised by
| [20] | Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Greenwood. |
| [21] | Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94(Supplement), S95-S120. https://doi.org/10.1086/228943 |
[20, 21]
, refers to the networks of trust, reciprocity, and professional relationships that individuals mobilise to access opportunities. In the African context, where formal labour markets are often underdeveloped, job access is frequently mediated by personal networks, referrals, and informal apprenticeships. SCT highlights how unequal access to these networks reproduces exclusion: TVET graduates who lack family, community, or institutional connections to employers may find themselves marginalised despite having technical qualifications. Thus, beyond skills acquisition, TVET programs must deliberately cultivate pathways for students to build and leverage social capital through internships, alumni associations, public-private partnerships, and industry linkages. Integrating neglected economic sectors into TVET has the potential to expand the relational horizons of young people, opening access to nontraditional fields where networks are less saturated and opportunities are more widely shared.
Finally, the framework of Work-Based Learning (WBL) emphasises the pedagogical power of learning through real-world practice. Models such as apprenticeships, internships, and job shadowing situate learning in authentic workplace environments, exposing students to current technologies, organisational cultures, and industry expectations. Research by
| [30] | International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2017a). Work-based learning and the future of skills development. Geneva: ILO. |
[30]
consistently demonstrates that WBL significantly enhances employability by bridging the gap between classroom training and labour market realities. In the context of Benin, where TVET has historically leaned heavily on theoretical instruction or outdated workshop simulations, integrating WBL opportunities into both traditional and neglected economic sectors is critical. It not only equips learners with relevant and practical competencies but also facilitates smoother school-to-work transitions by embedding them directly in professional networks and employer environments.
Taken together, these four theoretical perspectives highlight both the promise and the limitations of TVET as currently configured in the Republic of Benin. The literature suggests that while TVET occupies a central place in national employment strategies, its impact remains constrained by its historical orientation toward oversaturated trades, its insufficient responsiveness to high-growth and neglected sectors, and its weak integration with labour market systems and networks. By applying the Human Capability Approach, Systems Theory, Social Capital Theory, and Work-Based Learning models, this study can interrogate how reforms to TVET, including the integration of neglected economic sectors, could unlock new opportunities for young people and contribute meaningfully to addressing the unemployment crisis. This theoretical grounding forms the basis for analysing the empirical data collected and sets the stage for the discussion of policy and practical implications in subsequent sections.
3. Methodology
3.1. Research Design
This study adopted a qualitative case study design to examine the disconnect between TVET curricula and the emerging economic opportunities available to young people in the Republic of Benin. A qualitative approach was deemed most appropriate given its ability to capture the lived experiences, perceptions, and socio-economic realities of TVET graduates
. Through the case study method, the research provided an in-depth exploration of the complexities surrounding curriculum content, employment trajectories, and the structural barriers that hinder effective integration into the labour market
.
3.2. Participants
Participants were purposefully selected from diverse geographical regions of Benin to reflect variations across different socio-economic and cultural contexts
| [64] | Patton, M., Q. (2015). Qualitative research & evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Sage. |
[64]
. The sample comprised six TVET graduates: Seyihue (Parakou), Sedonoude (Porto-Novo), Djidjoho (Cotonou), Yénoukounmè (Bohicon), Hounsou (Seme-Podji), and Fiminanon (Abomey-Calavi). All had completed their training between 2019 and 2023 in traditional TVET fields such as mechanics, electrical work, metal construction, and general engineering. At the time of the study, none of the participants had secured long-term, formal employment; rather, they were engaged in active job seeking or attempts at self-employment. This profile provided a critical lens through which to understand how structural mismatches between training and labour market demands affect employment outcomes
.
3.3. Data Collection Methods
Data collection relied primarily on semi-structured, in-depth interviews, which allowed participants to narrate their educational and employment experiences while enabling the researcher to probe themes relevant to the study’s objectives
. Interviews were conducted in French as well as in local languages (Fon, Goun, and Xwla), depending on participant preference, and each lasted between 45 and 60 minutes. With the participants’ consent, all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. The interview guide focused on key dimensions such as the type of training received, perceptions of curriculum relevance, employment outcomes and job search experiences, awareness of high-growth sectors, access to resources (capital, tools, and institutional support), and recommendations for improving TVET provision.
In addition to interviews, supplementary field observations were undertaken at two TVET institutions and one informal workshop. These observations provided insights into the training infrastructure and helped contextualise the narratives of graduates. To ensure triangulation, institutional curricula and national policy documents were also reviewed, thereby enriching the credibility and depth of the data
| [64] | Patton, M., Q. (2015). Qualitative research & evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Sage. |
[64]
.
3.4. Data Analysis
Data were analysed using thematic analysis informed by a framework approach, which allowed for the alignment of inductive insights from participants with deductive theoretical constructs drawn from existing literature
. The analysis proceeded in four stages. First, a process of familiarisation involved reading and re-reading transcripts to gain an overall understanding of the data. Second, initial coding was undertaken, with codes such as “outdated training,” “capital constraints,” “missed job opportunities,” and “lack of employer linkages” emerging from the transcripts. Third, related codes were grouped into broader categories, which led to the identification of core themes, including saturation of traditional trades, neglect of emerging sectors, barriers to entrepreneurship, and deficits in industry partnerships. Finally, these themes were mapped onto relevant theoretical perspectives, namely Systems Theory, the Human Capability Approach, Social Capital Theory, and Work-Based Learning frameworks, to enhance interpretation and analytical depth
.
3.5. Ethical Considerations
Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the researcher’s institutional review board. Informed consent was sought from all participants after providing a clear explanation of the study’s purpose, potential risks, and expected benefits. To safeguard privacy, pseudonyms were used, and all identifiable information was removed from transcripts and field notes
. Participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any point without penalty. These measures ensured compliance with established ethical standards in qualitative research
| [64] | Patton, M., Q. (2015). Qualitative research & evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Sage. |
[64]
.
4. Findings
The analysis of interview data revealed four interconnected themes that explain the disconnect between TVET training and youth employment outcomes in Benin: (1) saturation in traditional TVET trades, (2) neglect of high-growth economic sectors, (3) financial and institutional barriers to self-employment, and (4) weak industry partnerships and limited career pathways. These themes were consistently echoed by all participants and demonstrate how systemic limitations in TVET programming hinder graduate employability.
4.1. Oversaturation in Traditional TVET Trades
Participants consistently highlighted the problem of oversaturation in traditional TVET trades, which significantly limited their chances of securing stable employment. All six respondents reported receiving training in mechanics, construction, metalwork, or general electrical work, fields that remain the dominant focus of TVET institutions in Benin. While these trades once provided pathways into stable occupations, they are now marked by intense competition and reduced opportunities, as the labour market has reached a saturation point. Sedonoude, trained in mechanics, underscored this difficulty: “I submitted my files to three places, but I couldn’t find stable employment. Too many others had the same qualifications.” His testimony reflects how the overproduction of graduates in mechanics creates redundancy, with employers overwhelmed by applications from candidates with nearly identical profiles. Similarly, Seyihue expressed deep frustration with his inability to secure employment: “I searched a lot… but I never got a response. The jobs just aren’t there anymore.” Such accounts illustrate not only the scarcity of job opportunities in these traditional sectors but also the demoralising effects of prolonged unemployment on graduates.
From a researcher’s perspective, these findings suggest a structural misalignment between the training priorities of TVET institutions and the realities of the labour market. While the persistence of traditional trades in the curriculum can be attributed to historical precedence and institutional inertia, their continued dominance highlights a critical failure to adapt to evolving economic needs. In particular, there is limited evidence of systematic labour market intelligence guiding the development of curricula. Instead, TVET centres continue to emphasise trades that are familiar and easier to deliver, but are no longer responsive to growth sectors of the economy
. Drawing on Systems Theory, this oversaturation reflects a systemic breakdown in the feedback loop between training supply and labour market demand. Systems that fail to adjust their outputs to environmental signals inevitably create inefficiencies and redundancies
| [58] | Von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General System Theory: Foundations, Development. New York: George Braziller. |
[58]
. In this case, the system produces a surplus of graduates whose skills are mismatched with the absorptive capacity of the economy. From the Human Capability Approach
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[50]
, the limited conversion of training into actual opportunities further restricts young people’s substantive freedoms to achieve livelihoods, despite having invested years in skill acquisition.
This finding resonates with previous studies on African TVET systems.
notes that across Sub-Saharan Africa, TVET programs often overemphasize “traditional” technical trades without expanding into emerging areas such as agribusiness, ICT, and renewable energy. Similarly,
argues that the persistence of outdated curricula leads to the “recycling of unemployment,” where young people remain trapped in cycles of training without meaningful work outcomes. In Benin specifically, World Bank 2020 assessments have also pointed to the problem of curriculum rigidity and the lack of real-time labour market data in shaping training supply
. Importantly, participant testimonies suggest that oversaturation does not only represent a numerical imbalance but also affects perceptions of the value of TVET credentials. Graduates themselves recognise that their qualifications no longer confer a competitive advantage, weakening the social and economic value of TVET diplomas. This decline in credential utility has long-term implications for how youth perceive the attractiveness of vocational training as a viable career path
.
In sum, the oversaturation of traditional trades in Benin’s TVET system illustrates a double challenge: an institutional lag in curriculum reform and a labour market unable to absorb the surplus of graduates. Without urgent interventions, such as diversifying training programs into neglected but high-potential economic sectors, improving labour market forecasting, and strengthening industry partnerships, TVET risks perpetuating cycles of underemployment rather than serving as a vehicle for youth empowerment.
4.2. Neglect of High-Growth Economic Sectors
A recurring theme in participant narratives was the absence of emerging, high-growth sectors within their training programs. While graduates expressed appreciation for the foundational knowledge they had received in traditional trades, they also emphasised the lack of exposure to newer fields that are driving labour market growth in Benin and beyond. Fiminanon, who trained in electrical work, observed:
“We learned the basics of electricity, but there are newer technologies, like solar energy, that were completely missing from our training.” Similarly, Djidjoho, who specialised in general mechanics, explained:
“The training prepared me for many technical challenges, but we didn’t touch the tools used in advanced manufacturing.” These reflections point to a systemic failure to update TVET curricula in line with global technological shifts. From the researcher’s standpoint, this neglect represents not only a pedagogical gap but also a structural oversight in curriculum governance. Despite policy rhetoric emphasising modernisation and diversification of TVET, implementation remains skewed toward traditional occupations with limited growth potential. By omitting sectors such as renewable energy, digital fabrication, and industrial automation, training institutions effectively restrict the horizons of their graduates
| [11] | Akpahou, R., & Mensah, J. H. R. (2024). Strategizing towards sustainable energy planning for Benin. Energy Nexus, 6, 100184. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nexus.2024.100184 |
| [35] | International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA). (2020). Renewable Energy Market Analysis: Africa and its Regions. International Renewable Energy Agency. |
[11, 35]
. This lack of curricular innovation diminishes graduates’ competitiveness in both domestic and regional labour markets, where demand for green and digital skills is rapidly expanding.
Interpreted through the Human Capability Approach, the exclusion of these sectors narrows the set of real opportunities available to youth
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[50]
. Capabilities are not merely about the possession of technical skills but about the ability to convert knowledge into meaningful employment and life choices. When training neglects high-growth domains such as solar energy or digital technology, graduates are denied the freedom to pursue livelihoods that are both relevant and sustainable in a changing economy. The participants’ frustration underscores how restricted curricula curtail agency and perpetuate underemployment. This finding resonates with Social Capital Theory, as the absence of exposure to modern technologies limits graduates’ ability to access professional networks and opportunities in high-demand sectors
| [21] | Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94(Supplement), S95-S120. https://doi.org/10.1086/228943 |
[21]
. Without institutional linkages to emerging industries, TVET graduates remain isolated from innovation ecosystems, thereby reinforcing their reliance on informal and saturated trades.
Comparisons with previous research highlight the persistence of this gap. Studies in Sub-Saharan Africa have documented similar misalignments between TVET provision and labour market trends. For instance,
found that many African TVET systems continue to emphasise traditional trades at the expense of integrating ICT and green economy skills. Likewise,
| [14] | Aloysius, A., Kpadonou, R., & Sossou, E. (2023). Informality and youth employment in West Africa: Challenges and opportunities. Journal of African Development Studies, 15(1), 45-60. |
[14]
argued that without substantial curricular reform, TVET risks entrenching marginalisation by training youth for declining sectors. In the context of Benin, donor evaluations have also noted the slow pace of adapting curricula to renewable energy and agro-processing value chains, despite their recognised growth potential
.
Taken together, the voices of participants, when interpreted alongside theoretical perspectives and previous scholarship, reveal that the neglect of high-growth economic sectors in TVET is not incidental but systemic. It reflects weak curriculum review mechanisms, limited industry partnerships, and a governance framework that prioritises continuity over innovation. Unless addressed, this misalignment risks leaving a generation of TVET graduates ill-prepared for the jobs of the future, undermining national goals of youth employability and economic transformation.
4.3. Financial and Institutional Barriers to Self-Employment
Even when equipped with technical skills, participants consistently reported encountering substantial obstacles to launching independent businesses. The most frequently cited barrier was limited access to financial capital, particularly for purchasing essential tools, equipment, or securing a workshop space. As Hounsou, a trained mechanic, explained: “You may have the skills, but without capital, you can’t start a workshop or buy the tools you need.” His statement underscores the paradox of vocational training in Benin: although programs succeed in imparting technical skills, the lack of financial resources prevents graduates from translating these competencies into viable livelihoods.
Sedonoude, another participant, reinforced this challenge by pointing to the unequal opportunities among TVET graduates: “Imagine a student whose family cannot afford it. How will they manage to buy equipment?” This remark highlights how socio-economic background continues to shape post-training trajectories, with those from poorer households being disproportionately disadvantaged. Such inequalities not only exacerbate youth unemployment but also reproduce cycles of poverty, despite the acquisition of marketable skills.
Beyond financial challenges, participants also drew attention to the limited effectiveness of institutional entrepreneurship support schemes. While many reported being encouraged to apply for youth enterprise funds or start-up initiatives, their experiences revealed systemic inefficiencies
. Seyihue described the frustrations of failed institutional follow-up:
“We write business plans and submit them, but they don’t call us anymore.” This reflects a pattern of procedural bottlenecks, lack of transparency, and weak accountability mechanisms in public and donor-driven youth employment programs.
From the researcher’s perspective, these findings raise critical concerns about the disconnect between policy design and practical implementation. While entrepreneurship and self-employment are often promoted in national strategies as alternatives to wage employment, the support structures needed to actualize them remain inadequate
. Existing initiatives appear heavily bureaucratic, short-term in outlook, and insufficiently tailored to the realities of TVET graduates.
Theoretically, these insights resonate with the Human Capability Approach, which emphasizes that the acquisition of skills alone does not guarantee enhanced well-being unless individuals are provided with the necessary enabling conditions
| [50] | Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. |
[50]
. The inability of participants to access financial and institutional resources illustrates how capabilities (i.e., having skills) do not automatically translate into functionings (i.e., establishing sustainable businesses). Similarly, Social Capital Theory can help explain why some graduates remain excluded; those lacking networks and connections to influential actors struggle more to secure funding or navigate bureaucratic procedures
| [20] | Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Greenwood. |
[20]
.
These findings are consistent with previous research in Sub-Saharan Africa, which has documented persistent challenges of credit access, weak entrepreneurial ecosystems, and limited institutional responsiveness in the TVET-to-employment transition
. For instance,
observed that youth trained in traditional trades across West Africa often lack the collateral or guarantors required by financial institutions, resulting in high rates of underemployment or informal work. Similarly,
evaluations of TVET reforms in Benin and neighboring countries emphasize that without systematic support, such as incubation centers, microcredit schemes, and mentorship programs, self-employment initiatives rarely achieve sustainable outcomes.
In sum, the evidence suggests that financial exclusion and institutional inefficiency constitute dual barriers that significantly undermine the transition of TVET graduates into self-employment. Addressing these barriers requires not only strengthening access to microfinance and start-up capital but also reforming entrepreneurship support programs to ensure transparency, continuity, and responsiveness. Without such reforms, TVET risks becoming a partial solution that equips youth with skills but fails to provide them with the means to convert those skills into sustainable economic opportunities.
4.4. Weak Industry Partnerships and Career Pathways
One of the most salient findings of this study concerns the absence of structured industry partnerships and clearly defined career pathways for TVET graduates in Benin. Across the interviews, participants consistently emphasised that their training institutions offered limited or no formal engagement with employers during or after their training. Instead, the transition from school to work was characterised by uncertainty, personal improvisation, and reliance on informal networks rather than structured pathways.
For example, Seyihue, a graduate from Parakou, remarked: “The solution is to meet the companies ourselves. Go and talk with them face-to-face. But it’s hard without help.” His statement illustrates both the recognition of the importance of direct employer contact and the difficulty of navigating such interactions without institutional support. Similarly, Yenoukounme from Bohicon explained that after completing his training in metal construction, he “did not know where to go or who to talk to,” underscoring the lack of career guidance and institutional linkages with industries. These voices highlight the vulnerability of young graduates left to negotiate access to the labor market without systemic support mechanisms.
From the researcher’s perspective, this absence of employer engagement reflects a systemic design flaw within the TVET system. Training programs remain largely supply-driven, with curricula designed in isolation from the realities of the labour market. While graduates acquire technical skills, they lack the relational and experiential capital that comes from internships, apprenticeships, and mentorship programs. This disconnect perpetuates a cycle where employment depends more on luck, family ties, or informal social networks than on merit or structured career transitions.
This finding resonates strongly with Social Capital Theory, which emphasises the role of networks, trust, and social connections in accessing opportunities
| [20] | Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241-258). Greenwood. |
| [21] | Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94(Supplement), S95-S120. https://doi.org/10.1086/228943 |
[20, 21]
. In the absence of structured partnerships, TVET graduates are excluded from the professional social networks that would otherwise grant them access to job opportunities, referrals, and mentorship. Their limited social capital thus translates into constrained employability, even when technical competence is present.
The lack of industry linkages also aligns with the Work-Based Learning (WBL) framework, which underscores the critical role of practical, workplace-based experiences in bridging the gap between education and employment
| [30] | International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2017a). Work-based learning and the future of skills development. Geneva: ILO. |
[30]
. Without apprenticeships, industrial attachments, or cooperative training schemes, graduates fail to develop the tacit skills, workplace culture, and professional networks that enhance employability. As Hounsou from Seme-Podji noted:
“In school we learned the theory and some practice, but in real work the conditions are different. No company guided us, so we are left behind.” This gap between training environments and actual workplace realities further limits the graduates’ competitiveness in the labor market.
A comparison with previous studies reinforces the significance of this challenge.
similarly observed that in many Sub-Saharan African contexts, weak employer engagement undermines the effectiveness of TVET systems. Studies in Ghana and Nigeria, for instance, have documented how limited private-sector involvement and weak apprenticeship systems restrict the employability of graduates
,
16,
24]. In Benin, World Bank reports have already pointed to fragmented governance and poor industry linkages as central barriers to TVET effectiveness
. The findings of this study therefore confirm and extend this body of evidence, providing first-hand accounts of how these systemic gaps are experienced by graduates themselves.
In sum, despite their technical training, TVET graduates in Benin face considerable obstacles to both employment and self-employment, largely due to the absence of structured industry partnerships and career pathways. The evidence points to the urgent need for reforms that promote stronger private sector engagement, co-designed curricula, structured internship systems, and mentoring programs that can bridge the transition from school to work. Without such reforms, TVET risks perpetuating a cycle of underemployment and disillusionment, rather than serving as a reliable pathway to decent work and sustainable livelihoods.
7. Way Forward: Policy and Practice Recommendations
To position TVET as a true catalyst for youth employment and inclusive economic growth, a holistic reimagining of the system is required. First, modernisation of TVET curricula is essential. Training programs should integrate high-growth sectors such as renewable energy (including solar technology), digital fabrication, information and communication technologies, agribusiness innovation, and smart manufacturing. Beyond content updates, curriculum co-design involving private sector actors, chambers of commerce, and industry experts is critical to ensure that training aligns with evolving labour market needs and technological advancements. Second, strengthening institutional adaptability is key. TVET institutions and ministries should establish labour market monitoring units to collect and analyse sectoral data, forecast skills demand, and adjust training provision accordingly. In parallel, curricula must become more flexible, moving away from rigid, one-size-fits-all models toward modular systems that can evolve quickly in response to economic and technological shifts.
Third, work-based learning and industry partnerships must be expanded. Scaling up apprenticeships and internships through formalised dual-track training models will provide students with practical, hands-on experience and direct exposure to workplace expectations. The creation of employer advisory boards can further facilitate continuous dialogue between TVET providers and industry stakeholders, ensuring that programs remain relevant and responsive. Fourth, improving access to entrepreneurship support is vital for graduates seeking self-employment. Targeted financial instruments, such as low-interest loans, toolkits, and business starter packages, should be made available to support micro-enterprise creation. Coupling these instruments with incubation and mentorship hubs linked to TVET centres can equip young entrepreneurs with guidance in business planning, marketing, and financial management, increasing their chances of sustainable success. Fifth, building social capital and structured employment pathways will enhance graduates’ labour market integration. National alumni networks can facilitate peer mentorship, job referrals, and collaborative enterprise development, while TVET career services units can provide job placement assistance, CV workshops, and employer engagement events as part of the institutional framework.
Finally, equity and inclusion must underpin all reforms. Targeted interventions should prioritise youth in rural areas, women entering non-traditional fields, and individuals with disabilities. Bridging the digital divide by providing access to the internet, devices, and digital literacy training, particularly in remote training centres, will further ensure that all learners can fully benefit from modernised TVET programs. Collectively, these measures offer a strategic roadmap for transforming Benin’s TVET system into a dynamic, inclusive, and employment-oriented engine of economic development, capable of equipping youth with the skills, networks, and opportunities necessary to thrive in a rapidly changing labour market.
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