The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen is approaching, and the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi) play a significant role in the literature researched. The role of Gábor Bethlen Hungarian and Transylvanian history can be, and probably should not be, disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania. Its practical implementation can always be subject to so-called "criticism". In this respect, it is worth examining both the theoretical and the practical aspects, as well as the legal and economic-historical aspects, as far as possible, including tax and economic policy and, where appropriate, the various (even sociological) aspects of these, since their outline may be of assistance to the legislators of today. As a result of the research, it can be concluded that the Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the mate-rial strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolu-tism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central govern-ment that had existed since 1541.
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István and Gábor Báthory, Gábor Bethlen, Principality of Transylvania, Thirty Years' War, Economy, Public Law and Public Policy, Taxes, Legislation
1. Introduction
The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen (1613–1629) is approaching. In relation to the literature, the author has reviewed the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some works of the representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi, Kosáry etc.) and these play a significant role in the literature researched.
Gábor Bethlen's role in the study of Hungarian and Transylvanian history cannot, but probably should not be disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania at the time of Thirty Years' War (1618–1648).
In view of the above, the economic policy of the Transylvanian prince Gábor Bethlen should be examined and analysed from the perspective of legal history, economic history and sociology, and in addition from the socio-historical perspective.
Practical implementation can always be the subject of so-called "criticism", but in that case the question always arises: "Who could be the better implementer...?". In this respect, it is worth considering both the theoretical and practical as well as the legal aspects as far as possible.
The author has written the paper in British English as he is not familiar with American English.
2. Contemporaries
Gábor Bethlen's contemporaries, the rulers who built up their power in the West, created the financial resources necessary for the organisation of a modern state primarily by increasing state taxes, at a time when taxation based on taxpayers' wealth distinguished the bourgeoisie, freed from feudal constraints, from the other classes of the population. This social class, capable of and able to accumulate wealth quickly, became the financial pillar of absolutist states, but it should be remembered that this practice was common throughout the 18th and 19th centuries.
A mutual interest developed in the Principality of Transylvania: (1) the state relied on the financial strength of a small number of citizens, (2) and these citizens prospered by adapting to the new economic order.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
Regardless of this, Gábor Bethlen was unable to use these means in the establishment of his state administration, as he had "inherited" a rather outdated tax system from his predecessor – Gábor Báthory – which had already been introduced in 1609,
[2]
Magyar történelmi emlékek. [Hungarian historical monuments] Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, Budapest, 1880. 111–112.
[2]
when the possibilities of levying state taxes were re-examined after the devastation of the Fifteen Years' War (1593–1606). Before that, people in the Principality of Transylvania paid state taxes according to their wealth, i.e. the number of cattle or the value of five oxen was the unit of calculation. In 1609, however, the regulations were changed and the Diet
decided to levy a very simple so-called rationing (which means taxation per capita), on the basis of which it was decided that the census of livestock should be abolished and thea new assessment should be made according to the persons of taxpayers, meaning that ten serfs should form one unit and five should form half,
[4]
Imreh, István (Ed.): A rendtartó székely falu [A regular Szekler Village] Kriterion Könyvkiadó, Bukarest, 1973. 205. (Bethlen is also said to have employed "responsible" shepherds, the so called: Hajdus.)
[4]
regardless of the number of livestock, and each estate should be assessed separately, and if there were two or three more than ten or five, they should help the others. Apart from this change in the basis of assessment, the old peculiarities were retained: (1) the taxation of the nation of Saxons
on a fictitious parcel of land, (2) the relatively very small number of towns with taxes and (3) the exemption of the nation of Szeklers from regular taxation.
It should be remembered that maintaining the army for the aforementioned wars cost a lot of money, but the state – which was relatively small – was able to bear this, even though the tax per capita rose to 16–24 forints (or florins), much more than in the western parts of Hungary.
[7]
Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. Partium. Available from:
However, the state was able to assert itself under these administrative conditions and the burden was mainly borne by the subjects. The prince of Transylvania had numerous sources of income at his disposal: (1) his extensive private property, (2) including the levies on the seven Hungarian counties in Partium.
[8]
Corpus Juris Hungarici Magyar Törvénytár: 1526–1608. évi törvényczikkek. [Corpus Juris Hungarici Hungarian Law Gazette: the Law of 1526-1608.] (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső), Franklin-Társulat Magyar Irodalmi Intézet és Könyvnyomda, Budapest, 1899.) 837.
[8]
An important factor at the time was that, for once in Europe since the Middle Ages, the consideration of wealth was a general aim of taxation and its foundations were in the past, such as with the house tax of 1598,in the Hungarian kingdom which was also introduced for reasons of war and destruction – like the Transylvanian rationing – and provided that the richer serfs should help the poorer ones.
[9]
Geréb, László (Ed.): A magyar parasztháborúk irodalma 1437-1514. [The Literature of the Hungarian Peasant Wars 1437-1514] Budapest, Hungária Könyvkiadó, 1950. 17.
[9]
After eleven years it was abolished altogether, but in 1609 that tax was reintroduced as a general practice in royal Hungary and levied according to the "field economy", which also reflected the level of wealth.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
It should not be forgotten, however, that taxation unfortunately led to several rebellions (which further increased the fragmentation of Hungarian and Transylvanian society throughout this period).
[10]
Szekfű, Gyula: Bethlen Gábor: Történelmi tanulmány. [Bethlen Gábor: Historical study. 2nd edition.] 2. kiadás. Helikon Kiadó, Budapest, 1983.) 162.
[10]
4. The Role of the (Political) Nations in Transylvanian Society and Economy
In contrast, taxation independent of property status was maintained in Transylvania from 1609, originally "forced" by Gábor Báthory by invoking the war, and he "accepted" it, although the new tax system was a serious defeat for the central power, which meant that the state renounced considering the property status of its subjects. Báthory recklessly made the retreat, and Bethlen, who was conceptual, did not invalidate his gesture as he avoided all utterances of the nobility and did not accept any confrontation here either, as he made no attempt to introduce the property tax, and also took note of the old traditions, namely that the Saxons participated in taxation and the soldiering Szeklers did not pay regularly. Although this meant that the towns of the Szeklers and Saxons, including the richest in the, Nagyszeben (nowadays: Sibiu) and Brassó (nowadays Brasov), were exempt from the tax, their inclusion would have required major legislative changes.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
The traditional social structure of Transylvanian society, based on the estates and the three nations, (and the three classes in the case of the Szeklers)
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
would have had to be reorganised, tax policy would have required being based on the actual social stratification and not on the nobles‘ opinion, but the prince shied away from the latter, and Gábor Báthory exploited the wealth of the towns with simple "predatory agriculture" – similar to the Ottoman sipahi economy – and Bethlen left the towns undisturbed. The reform of 1614 of the Unio Trium Nationum (1437, Kápolna), had it been successful, could have changed the status quo of the Saxons and Szeklers, but, as it was ineffective, the problem of the three nations was neutralised. The consequence of the former was mutual disinterest, in that: (1) Bethlen's princely power, organised to fulfil modern functions, could not access the wealth of the richest elements of society, (2) for this reason, the social strata were neither interested in modernisation, nor supported their own development.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
As a result, the Saxon and Szekler social classes, since the reorganisation of the state did not help them to enrich themselves, remained a pillar of order against the central power. Only the few towns – above all Kolozsvár, which paid taxes according to their wealth – were in a relationship with Bethlen's reorganising state that was similar to the one that had developed between the central power and the bourgeoisie in the west. The consequences of this relationship hint at what economic reserves remained locked behind the bastions of the Transylvanian nobility, for the taxes of Kolozsvár, favoured by the economic measures of the prince, rose from 350 to 2400 forints between 1614 and 1624, (i.e. by 686%,) while the taxes of the Saxons, corresponding to the change in taxation, rose by only 275% by 1624 and by only 312% by 1629. Moreover, in exceptional cases, the Szekler towns even paid only a part of the tax.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
In royal Hungary, the Diet regularly took measures to keep coins and mining ores in the country, and also took measures to protect the value of coins, by export bans or by fixing prices. The unprecedented fiscal conditions of the time forced Bethlen to pursue a very well thought-out economic policy that took all possibilities into account, and his measures were a synthesis of the ideas of all his conceptual predecessors. In practice, Bethlen utilised, for the first time, the special opportunity offered by the non-hereditary princely power in the Principality of Transylvania, namely the confiscation of land donated by his predecessor, and this means of "breaking" the power of the nobility, which had already been used by István Báthory. In 1571, the Diet decreed that all feudal donations of property by the deceased predecessor should be cancelled. In June 1607, the Diet of Kolozsvár decided that many unworthy donations, which had been made during the previous thirteen years of unrest, should be revised.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
Later, the Diet of Gábor Báthory took measures in this direction so quickly that. by the time Bethlen was elected, the feudal estates had become accustomed to the recurring revisions. They themselves demanded that the new prince be required in the terms of his election to revise the land grants made by his predecessors. Compared to the earlier declaration, the conditions of election had the opposite content, as they imposed on the prince, among other things, that the lords, the nobility, the towns and the other two nations, the Szeklers and Saxons, shall retain their old and legally guaranteed privileges and endowments, which had been cancelled, as well as their titles. In 1615, the Diet then decided to revise the princely donations of 1588, meaning that Bethlen acted like all his predecessors in regaining the fiscal assets and other dominions. In contrast to the fact that, after István Báthory's reacquisitions, a new stratum of the ruling class had emerged, this was not the case with Gábor Bethlen, who in contrast sought direct results: he kept the reacquired goods as fiscal property
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
He also continued the initiatives of his predecessors in his economic policy by applying the methods of early mercantilism. These emerged in Transylvania during the reign of István Báthory. As if quoting a theorist, the Diet formulated the norm that the state in which merchants are not active is a poor state, but the state and its people in which they trade is rich.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
It was a well-known doctrine that the measure of wealth was the amount of money and the means of its production was trade, a path that Transylvania had followed since the last third of the 16th century through mercantilist practice, being (1) through the state regulation of trade, including the withholding of valuable coins, gold and talers, and (2) the management of foreign trade with the aim of maintaining permanent income.
[Accessed 16. October 2023]. [A striking example of this is the meeting of the Visegrád kings in 1335, whose renewed "legal successor", as the author welcomes it, is the cooperation of the Visegrad Group (V4)]
but their elaborate system only became apparent after 1578, when the princely monopoly on trade first appeared, and from then on the decrees of the Diet preventing the outflow of good money were repeated with increasing intensity. This practice of state regulation, which shaped the wealth of the whole country in favour of trade, did not cease, not even during the wars, for as early as 1607 the Diet had taken measures against cattle traders from Moldavia, Wallachia and elsewhere, and in 1609 Gábor Báthory repeated the Diet decree of 1588, according to which the free movement of Greek merchantsmeaning freedom in the Principality of Transylvania, was to be guaranteed.
[13]
Corpus Juris Hungarici Magyar Törvénytár: 1000–1526. évi törvényczikkek [Corpus Juris Hungarici Hungarian Law Gazette: the Law of 1000-1526.] (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső) (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső), Franklin-Társulat Magyar Irodalmi Intézet és Könyvnyomda, Budapest, 1899, p. 225.
[13]
If one assumes that the theoretical thinking of István Báthory's learned politicians was perhaps still behind the first appearance of mercantilist practice in Transylvania, then state regulation of trade at the beginning of the 17th century was inevitable.
In royal Hungary, the Diet regularly took measures to keep coins and mining ores in the country, and also to protect the value of coins, export bans or prices.
[14]
Trócsányi, Zsolt: Erdély központi kormányzata 1540–1690. [The central government of Transylvania 1540-1690.] Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1980. 239-240.
[14]
In Poland, the Sejm had similar regulations. In the Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, the central organs of the High Porte decided that the Principality of Transylvania should apply to Istanbul as a "state" for preferential trading opportunities.
[14]
Trócsányi, Zsolt: Erdély központi kormányzata 1540–1690. [The central government of Transylvania 1540-1690.] Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1980. 239-240.
[14]
In the Romanian voivodeships, it was the voivodes (or princes) who made economic policy decisions: a very good example of this was Simion Movilă, who wrote to Beszterce in 1606 that he would maintain the exemption from customs duties for livestock purchased in his country, as his predecessor had done.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
In this context, it was natural for Gábor Bethlen to base his economic power on the regulation of production in the interests of trade, and in the spring of 1614 he immediately repeated the provision on the export ban on cattle,
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
which had been repeatedly renewed since the war; in other words, he declared the monopoly of the princely treasury on this most sought-after commodity in the remotest corners of the earth, meaning the export ban. Bethlen and his people were very sensitive to fluctuations in market demand, but the majority of Transylvanians might only notice the increase in demand caused by the arrival of princely buyers and the decrease caused by their absence. In addition to livestock, beeswax, animal skins, mercury, salt, iron and other mining minerals were also exported in the carts of Bethlen's men or foreign merchants who had received privileges from him. During Bethlen's reign, the Principality of Transylvania exported cattle, mercury and beeswax to Venice, salt and mercury to the Ottoman Empire and mainly iron to the Romanian voivodeships. The value of these shipments is practically impossible to determine, although estimates based on sparse data are available, but the aim of this study is to outline Bethlen's economic policy.
[1]
Arcanum. Erdély törtenete három kötetben. Második kötet. [Transylvanian history in three volumes. Volume Two.] [Internet]. Available from:
Opinions on Gábor Bethlen's state vary widely, and it can be said that the state of the Principality of Transylvania has been defined both as absolutism and as a particular form of regulatory centralism. However, in the primary sense of the term, as it is defined in the western part of Europe, the prince certainly did not create absolutism. The Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the material strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolutism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central government that had existed since 1541. The powers of the various offices were not separated, just as they had often overlapped as before. As far as mercantilism was concerned in respect of the the Principality of Transylvania, it was only moderately applied by the prince, so it was not an absolute exercise of power with regard to Bethlen, and the figure of the prince who became – relatively – independent of his subjects cannot be subsumed under the concept of centralism based on the co-operation of the estates, if such an adjective as "centralism" can be used here at all.
The most important feature of Gábor Bethlen's reign is that he, together with his predecessor István Bocskai, created the statehood of the Principality of Transylvania.
[15]
Kosáry, Domokos: Magyarország története. [History of Hungary]. Országos Közoktatási Tanács, Budapest, 1943. 121.
[15]
Gábor Bethlen's principality and state are more similar to the absolutisms observed east of the Elbe, which, unlike those in the West, were not fuelled by internal social tensions, but, in any case,
[16]
Oborni, Teréz: State and governance in the Principality of Transylvania. [Internet]. Available from:
Imreh, István (Ed.): A rendtartó székely falu [A regular Szekler Village] Kriterion Könyvkiadó, Bukarest, 1973. 205. (Bethlen is also said to have employed "responsible" shepherds, the so called: Hajdus.)
Corpus Juris Hungarici Magyar Törvénytár: 1526–1608. évi törvényczikkek. [Corpus Juris Hungarici Hungarian Law Gazette: the Law of 1526-1608.] (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső), Franklin-Társulat Magyar Irodalmi Intézet és Könyvnyomda, Budapest, 1899.) 837.
[9]
Geréb, László (Ed.): A magyar parasztháborúk irodalma 1437-1514. [The Literature of the Hungarian Peasant Wars 1437-1514] Budapest, Hungária Könyvkiadó, 1950. 17.
[10]
Szekfű, Gyula: Bethlen Gábor: Történelmi tanulmány. [Bethlen Gábor: Historical study. 2nd edition.] 2. kiadás. Helikon Kiadó, Budapest, 1983.) 162.
[11]
Visegrad Four. Available from:
https://www.visegradgroup.eu/hu
[Accessed 16. October 2023]. [A striking example of this is the meeting of the Visegrád kings in 1335, whose renewed "legal successor", as the author welcomes it, is the cooperation of the Visegrad Group (V4)]
[12]
Cf.: Januszek-Sieradzka, Agnieszka. The Crown Sejm in the Jagiellonian Era (1386–1572). The Birth, Development, ‘Golden Age’. Available from:
Corpus Juris Hungarici Magyar Törvénytár: 1000–1526. évi törvényczikkek [Corpus Juris Hungarici Hungarian Law Gazette: the Law of 1000-1526.] (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső) (Ed.: Márkus, Dezső), Franklin-Társulat Magyar Irodalmi Intézet és Könyvnyomda, Budapest, 1899, p. 225.
[14]
Trócsányi, Zsolt: Erdély központi kormányzata 1540–1690. [The central government of Transylvania 1540-1690.] Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1980. 239-240.
[15]
Kosáry, Domokos: Magyarország története. [History of Hungary]. Országos Közoktatási Tanács, Budapest, 1943. 121.
[16]
Oborni, Teréz: State and governance in the Principality of Transylvania. [Internet]. Available from:
Szentpáli-Gavallér, P. (2024). The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Science, Technology & Public Policy, 8(1), 15-21. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
Szentpáli-Gavallér, P. The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Sci. Technol. Public Policy2024, 8(1), 15-21. doi: 10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
Szentpáli-Gavallér P. The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Sci Technol Public Policy. 2024;8(1):15-21. doi: 10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
@article{10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13,
author = {Pál Szentpáli-Gavallér},
title = {The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications
},
journal = {Science, Technology & Public Policy},
volume = {8},
number = {1},
pages = {15-21},
doi = {10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13},
url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13},
eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.stpp.20240801.13},
abstract = {The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen is approaching, and the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi) play a significant role in the literature researched. The role of Gábor Bethlen Hungarian and Transylvanian history can be, and probably should not be, disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania. Its practical implementation can always be subject to so-called "criticism". In this respect, it is worth examining both the theoretical and the practical aspects, as well as the legal and economic-historical aspects, as far as possible, including tax and economic policy and, where appropriate, the various (even sociological) aspects of these, since their outline may be of assistance to the legislators of today. As a result of the research, it can be concluded that the Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the mate-rial strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolu-tism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central govern-ment that had existed since 1541.
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AB - The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen is approaching, and the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi) play a significant role in the literature researched. The role of Gábor Bethlen Hungarian and Transylvanian history can be, and probably should not be, disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania. Its practical implementation can always be subject to so-called "criticism". In this respect, it is worth examining both the theoretical and the practical aspects, as well as the legal and economic-historical aspects, as far as possible, including tax and economic policy and, where appropriate, the various (even sociological) aspects of these, since their outline may be of assistance to the legislators of today. As a result of the research, it can be concluded that the Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the mate-rial strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolu-tism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central govern-ment that had existed since 1541.
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Szentpáli-Gavallér, P. (2024). The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Science, Technology & Public Policy, 8(1), 15-21. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
Szentpáli-Gavallér, P. The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Sci. Technol. Public Policy2024, 8(1), 15-21. doi: 10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
Szentpáli-Gavallér P. The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications. Sci Technol Public Policy. 2024;8(1):15-21. doi: 10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
@article{10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13,
author = {Pál Szentpáli-Gavallér},
title = {The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications
},
journal = {Science, Technology & Public Policy},
volume = {8},
number = {1},
pages = {15-21},
doi = {10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13},
url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13},
eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.stpp.20240801.13},
abstract = {The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen is approaching, and the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi) play a significant role in the literature researched. The role of Gábor Bethlen Hungarian and Transylvanian history can be, and probably should not be, disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania. Its practical implementation can always be subject to so-called "criticism". In this respect, it is worth examining both the theoretical and the practical aspects, as well as the legal and economic-historical aspects, as far as possible, including tax and economic policy and, where appropriate, the various (even sociological) aspects of these, since their outline may be of assistance to the legislators of today. As a result of the research, it can be concluded that the Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the mate-rial strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolu-tism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central govern-ment that had existed since 1541.
},
year = {2024}
}
TY - JOUR
T1 - The Economic Policy of Gábor Bethlen and Its Legal Implications
AU - Pál Szentpáli-Gavallér
Y1 - 2024/04/28
PY - 2024
N1 - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
DO - 10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
T2 - Science, Technology & Public Policy
JF - Science, Technology & Public Policy
JO - Science, Technology & Public Policy
SP - 15
EP - 21
PB - Science Publishing Group
SN - 2640-4621
UR - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.stpp.20240801.13
AB - The background for this research and the writing of this article is that the 400th anniversary of the death of Gábor Bethlen is approaching, and the Corpus Juris Hungarici and some representatives of the Hungarian scholarly elite (see e.g. Trócsányi) play a significant role in the literature researched. The role of Gábor Bethlen Hungarian and Transylvanian history can be, and probably should not be, disputed, because his domestic, foreign and economic policies served to maintain the "Hungarian" state of the Principality of Transylvania. Its practical implementation can always be subject to so-called "criticism". In this respect, it is worth examining both the theoretical and the practical aspects, as well as the legal and economic-historical aspects, as far as possible, including tax and economic policy and, where appropriate, the various (even sociological) aspects of these, since their outline may be of assistance to the legislators of today. As a result of the research, it can be concluded that the Transylvanian state tax system is particularly striking in this respect; the levying of taxes without regard to the mate-rial strength of the subjects is in stark contrast to the idea that Transylvania in this period can be equated with absolu-tism in the Western sense, nor does it elevate the Principality of Transylvania to the rank of Western absolutism, although it was an indication of the prince's unlimited power that he could "abolish" the Diet. The reason for this was that he did not change the structure of the estates and central govern-ment that had existed since 1541.
VL - 8
IS - 1
ER -
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