Lebanon is commonly interpreted through confessionalism, but formal confessional institutions alone do not explain how citizens obtain access to the state, how organizations exercise authority, or why political arrangements persist through repeated crises. This article presents a conceptual synthesis of scholarship on Lebanese confessionalism, clientelism, welfare provision, civil society, political economy, and armed authority, supplemented by recent survey research and primary institutional reporting on developments after 2019. It compares how brokerage and relational access operate across political families, sectarian parties, welfare organizations, municipalities, armed actors, diaspora ties, and foreign patronage, and how successive economic, institutional, and security shocks alter the value of those relationships. The analysis is interpretive rather than statistical and does not claim representative measurement of individual attitudes or causal effects. Building on Portes's treatment of the negative consequences of social capital and on network theory's account of position-dependent resources, the article uses social liability to identify the costs attached to otherwise useful ties and network revaluation to trace changes in their practical value. The Lebanese evidence indicates that scarcity can simultaneously weaken patrons' distributive capacity and increase the premium on privileged access, while institutional reform matters to the extent that citizens become less dependent on brokers. The declining need to locate “the right person” is proposed as an observable indicator of reform.
| Published in | Journal of Political Science and International Relations (Volume 9, Issue 4) |
| DOI | 10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11 |
| Page(s) | 258-266 |
| Creative Commons |
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited. |
| Copyright |
Copyright © The Author(s), 2026. Published by Science Publishing Group |
Lebanon, Confessionalism, Political Order, Clientelism, Social Capital, Social Liability, Network Revaluation, State-Society Relations
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APA Style
Gabbay, S. M. (2026). Beyond the Confessional State: Power, Authority, and Political Order in Contemporary Lebanon. Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 9(4), 258-266. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11
ACS Style
Gabbay, S. M. Beyond the Confessional State: Power, Authority, and Political Order in Contemporary Lebanon. J. Polit. Sci. Int. Relat. 2026, 9(4), 258-266. doi: 10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11
@article{10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11,
author = {Shaul Michael Gabbay},
title = {Beyond the Confessional State: Power, Authority, and Political Order in Contemporary Lebanon},
journal = {Journal of Political Science and International Relations},
volume = {9},
number = {4},
pages = {258-266},
doi = {10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11},
url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11},
eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.jpsir.20260904.11},
abstract = {Lebanon is commonly interpreted through confessionalism, but formal confessional institutions alone do not explain how citizens obtain access to the state, how organizations exercise authority, or why political arrangements persist through repeated crises. This article presents a conceptual synthesis of scholarship on Lebanese confessionalism, clientelism, welfare provision, civil society, political economy, and armed authority, supplemented by recent survey research and primary institutional reporting on developments after 2019. It compares how brokerage and relational access operate across political families, sectarian parties, welfare organizations, municipalities, armed actors, diaspora ties, and foreign patronage, and how successive economic, institutional, and security shocks alter the value of those relationships. The analysis is interpretive rather than statistical and does not claim representative measurement of individual attitudes or causal effects. Building on Portes's treatment of the negative consequences of social capital and on network theory's account of position-dependent resources, the article uses social liability to identify the costs attached to otherwise useful ties and network revaluation to trace changes in their practical value. The Lebanese evidence indicates that scarcity can simultaneously weaken patrons' distributive capacity and increase the premium on privileged access, while institutional reform matters to the extent that citizens become less dependent on brokers. The declining need to locate “the right person” is proposed as an observable indicator of reform.},
year = {2026}
}
TY - JOUR T1 - Beyond the Confessional State: Power, Authority, and Political Order in Contemporary Lebanon AU - Shaul Michael Gabbay Y1 - 2026/10/23 PY - 2026 N1 - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11 DO - 10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11 T2 - Journal of Political Science and International Relations JF - Journal of Political Science and International Relations JO - Journal of Political Science and International Relations SP - 258 EP - 266 PB - Science Publishing Group SN - 2640-2785 UR - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20260904.11 AB - Lebanon is commonly interpreted through confessionalism, but formal confessional institutions alone do not explain how citizens obtain access to the state, how organizations exercise authority, or why political arrangements persist through repeated crises. This article presents a conceptual synthesis of scholarship on Lebanese confessionalism, clientelism, welfare provision, civil society, political economy, and armed authority, supplemented by recent survey research and primary institutional reporting on developments after 2019. It compares how brokerage and relational access operate across political families, sectarian parties, welfare organizations, municipalities, armed actors, diaspora ties, and foreign patronage, and how successive economic, institutional, and security shocks alter the value of those relationships. The analysis is interpretive rather than statistical and does not claim representative measurement of individual attitudes or causal effects. Building on Portes's treatment of the negative consequences of social capital and on network theory's account of position-dependent resources, the article uses social liability to identify the costs attached to otherwise useful ties and network revaluation to trace changes in their practical value. The Lebanese evidence indicates that scarcity can simultaneously weaken patrons' distributive capacity and increase the premium on privileged access, while institutional reform matters to the extent that citizens become less dependent on brokers. The declining need to locate “the right person” is proposed as an observable indicator of reform. VL - 9 IS - 4 ER -